去中国香港工作
刚听说，德国人去中国香港工作也要签Visum的?是不是就是说去中国大陆工作也要的。。。 工作又不是旅游
去美国还要签证呢 ２００６年圣诞google的Logo $送花$ 原帖由 娃娃妈 于 2006-12-24 10:54 发表
工作又不是旅游
去美国还要签证呢
德国人去美国旅游也要签证? 能拿到去香港工作的机会对‘老外’讲也是不容易的。听很多老外讲， 很喜欢香港 哈，从小跟妈妈干这个缠毛线球的工作。。。也是织啊织的。。。
家里的小猫也最爱玩这个毛线球。。。 原帖由 yk 于 2006-12-24 10:57 发表
能拿到去香港工作的机会对‘老外’讲也是不容易的。听很多老外讲， 很喜欢香港
恩，也说了，很不容易的。。。而且不见得拿到工作还 原帖由 peach1004 于 2006-12-24 10:56 发表
德国人去美国旅游也要签证?
是说去工作
旅游九十天内不要签证 译自新闻周刊-----中国：新时代的象征
本文译自新闻周刊（NewsWeek）的同名文章 （China：The Sign Of the Times），原作者是安娜－坤德琳（Anna Quindlen）， 发表在今年（2006）五月一日的版本上。文中的立场和观点纯属原作者，与译者无关。
到了个新地方，路标都看不懂，是会让人紧张和恐慌。可因为美国文化已成为世界上最有影响的力量，美国人经常可以避免新地方给人的不安感。我们旅游到了布拉格，巴黎，罗马，看到处处是英文，美式快餐店，以及熟悉的服装品牌，觉得很开心和自在。对我们来讲，这真是脚不出门的国际旅游。
但是等到飞机在北京降落后，我们会猛然意识到这是个绝然不同的国都。中国的发展，成长和壮大之快让人目瞪口呆。我们忧喜交加地认识到，当今世界上那个年轻的独一无二的超级强国，迎头撞上了一个人口最多，经济发展最快的古老对手。从那建造摩天大楼的阵阵噪音里，我们清楚听到历史崭新的一个章节正在书写中。当中国国家主席HJT最近访问美国时，没有人再辩论中国应不应向美国的制度学习，大家关心的是什么时侯中国会取代美国的领袖地位。
中国人在对他们有利的前题下，是会和我们友好合作的。紫禁城里开着一家星巴克（Starbucks），北京几家商店门口挂着Clinique化装品的广告，天堂庙的解说译成了半生不熟的英语。在城惶庙集市上，各种各样的代表中国传统的商品，是卖给美国游客的。
夏日宫，长城，和其它的名处是美国人常去的，但只有当你发现周围的人在盯着你看时，你才到了真正有趣的地方。当我告诉下榻的高级酒店的大堂经理，我们决定避开酒店的豪华饭店，要到胡同里的小店吃饭时，他很是愣了一会儿。不过他最终还是笑了，说，“好啊，这样你们可以看看真正的中国。”
看看真实的中国其实很容易。在那个世界上最大的KFC店旁边，有一条街道，两边布满了小店铺，卖假玉和传统服装等留念品。店主非常热情，甚至带些侵略性，用英语追喊着，“你好，你好，我有好东西卖给你。快进来吧！”如果你坚持前进，再多几步就会走进更远的一条街。这里没有人再讲英语，只有那听不懂的北京话在耳边回荡。这就是那举世闻名的胡同了。那些卖混钝的商贩，只盯着他们自己面前的两个沸腾的锅，一声不发。显尔易见，胡同里的居民是不吃叫卖那一套的。
胡同人的不温不火，正合他们领导人的心意。在不远的一个广场，堆着许多模样古老的砖头和花样优美的瓷板，显然是从胡同老屋上拆下的。清除旧建筑，建立新大楼是首都北京一个永恒的旋律。我参观的那个北京城市的未来规化展览庭内，一盘巨大的沙土模型，点缀着数不清的高楼，展现着未来市区结构的雄伟与陌生。
中国人的建筑热情也表现在数字学上。天堂庙的台阶是九个一组，因为九曾是皇帝家族的专利。今天的人们更喜欢八这个数字，因为八的发音在广东话里与发财同音。2008年八月八日是奥运会在北京开幕的日子。你可以想象，那时Regierung官员定能使现代的北京面目一新，高楼大厦随处可见。胡同会静静地消失，就象那再也看不到的毛式上装。你若那时有幸在北京观看奥运，见到的会是街边行人穿着名牌服装，路内司机开着豪化汽车。
如果从这些未来的画面里，你就断定中国会照着美国的模式发展，那你可得三思而后行。HJT主席很不习惯发生在白宫草坪的事件。那个法*轮*功的成员竟成功地混进了白宫记者团，在关健的时刻大喊大叫了几分钟。在中国，记者是被控制和监视的，抗议的人会被监禁与枪毙的。在互联网上，中国Regierung建立了一个巨大无比的火墙，挡住所有它反感的网站。一家一个娃计划生育政策的执行是软硬兼使的，罚款，恐赫和强迫流产是家常便饭。近几年，关于Regierung支持的盗取死刑犯器官的报道也经常出现。
中国在世界舞台上对付其它国家的不满，有得天独厚的优势。大多数美国人对中国根本无知，或者不闻不问。美国的历史很早就与欧洲禁密相关，但与中国一直隔海相望， 视而不见。直到19世纪时，基督教开始进入中国，企图取代佛教时，普通美国人才注意到这个国都。
但是中国人对自己的历史也有类似的健忘症，或者引用一位异义分子的话，叫“忘记历史”。毛.泽.东统治期，Regierung害死过几百万的反革命分子。可是今天，排队瞻仰他遗容的老白姓成千上万。当人们走近那个遗体时，一种沉默的恭敬犹然而生。外面的天安门广场， 是不到二十年前几百学生遭人.民解放军屠杀的地方。现在，几个解放军战士毕挺地站在一个巨大钟表下面，钟盘上显示着离奥运会开幕的时间，精确到分秒。无数的游人在广场上悠闲地走来走去。这里的一景一物都无声但清晰地向世界宣布： 一切都已被忘记。
中国近几年军事的扩张使一些华盛顿的政客不安。他们的陈旧思维，很象那些早晨练太极拳，仍互称同志的中国老者，完完全全地陷进了旧时代而无法自拔。当今世界，经济是老大。中国是全球最大的煤炭和钢铁生产国，也制造比谁都多的香烟，使得北京每家饭店的空气烟雾缭绕。虽然其城市和乡村的收入差别明显，中国人的平均收入在过去25年里提高了四倍。我们的Regierung预算赤字， 一部分原因是中国大量购买美国的Regierung债卷，积极借钱鼓励我们消费。撇开星巴克，看看我们衣服和鞋子印有的出产地名字，你会清楚地知道，美国从中国买的东西远远比卖给中国的多。
中国人口是美国的四倍。这个民众最多的国家是全球最理想的消费市场，特别是当更多的中国人下定决心购买物品的时侯。北京最让人感觉温欣的一景，是满街上蹒珊行走的小童，个个穿着开档裤子。美国的一次型尿布生产商们，正在紧锣密鼓地教育中国妈妈一次型尿布与开档裤相比的巨大优越性，也顺便灌输为了后代要大胆花钱的观念。美国其它产品的生产厂家，也不甘落后地加入了提倡消费，减少节约的中国消费者宣传活动。中国的人均储蓄率为40％，美国是负值。当美国的Politik和商业领导者大力鼓吹中国人该多花钱少储蓄时，听起来真象是给自己的物欲放纵寻找借口。
与消费观念不同媲美的，是两国文化的差异。北京大街上追着美国人推销盗版微机软件和非法DVD电影的年青人，显得那么理直气壮。小费对中国服务业还是件新鲜事，听说过，但没做过。长城旅游点的一个标语是，“游客讲文明，大火不留情”，散发着些孔孟之道。连陪同我们的那个美国出生的中文翻译，都变得中国化了。当中国本地人夸他的汉语讲得好，他连连答道，“哪里，哪里，您太过讲了！”骄傲地承认自己的才能可是美国文化的基础之一啊。
在吃中国早点时，同桌的一位美方商界领袖把中美下一代年青人分析对比了一下。他说，美国享受了半个世纪的和平与繁华，它的年青人理所当然地追求同样的东西。但在同一时期，中国遭受了自然和人为造成的饥慌，数百万人死亡。接着跟来的是文化大革命，使无数人遭受迫害折磨，家庭变得支离破碎。八十年代的经济发展，又受到了天安门事件的阻断。因次，中国年青一代是不甘于现状，总是在想法改变现实。近代史的截然不同，使得美国表现的为自满自足，中国追求的是奋发向上。
当然了，这样简单地概括几千万美国年青人或者数亿的中国下一代，是不可靠的一偏概全。可是历史上充满了类似的例子。十九世纪的英国文学，充满了描述美国人的粗鲁，喧闹和狂妄的段落。可是，这些野蛮的先驱者很快地成长壮大起来，日异强盛。与此同时，那个高傲的英不列颠逐渐地变回原来那个小岛国。难到今天的美国就似当年的英国，面对着耐心勤劳，奋发图强的中国人，却视而不见那一天的到来？仔细琢磨一下吧。当HJT访美时，他的客桌旁坐满的是商界要人，不是政客。我们应该忘记中国具有血腥味的过去和目前的强权政策，集中精力地面对一个不可回避的现实：中国坚信强大的经济可以统治一切。这个意识也算是美国的资本主义给KP统治下之中国上的一堂课。为此，我们至少应该感觉到一点点欣慰吧?
The Sign of the Times
By Anna Quindlen
Newsweek
Anna Quindlen
May 1, 2006 issue - It is disconcerting, even a little frightening, to be in a place in which it is impossible to read the signs. As citizens of the world's most dominant culture, Americans often manage to avoid the feeling. They are now able to visit Prague, Paris, Rome, and to find not only the language but the fast-food restaurants and clothing brands to which U.S. citizens are accustomed: to travel abroad without leaving home.
But touch down in Beijing, the capital of China, China rising, China booming, China building, and all bets are off. The irresistible object of the first adolescent superpower is meeting the immovable force of the world's most populous nation, with the world's fastest-growing economy. Above the din of skyscrapers under construction, you can almost hear the tectonic plates of history shifting. As President Hu Jintao visited the United States, the percolating issue was not whether China, too, would bend to our template. It was whether, given its size, its economic clout and its increasing dominance in the world today, it will someday eat our lunch.
The Chinese are not loath to engage on our terms when it's useful. There is a Starbucks in the Forbidden City, a billboard for Clinique cosmetics outside a Beijing department store, signs at the Temple of Heaven translated into uneasy English. Even at the Dirt Market, the outdoor bazaar of calligraphy scrolls, bead necklaces, chess sets and other bric-a-brac, certain goods are pitched to a cartoon sense of Chinese history. The porcelain statues of a peasant with a foot planted on the back of a prone landlord aren't for domestic consumption. Ha, ha, ha: this is what the Americans want.
The Summer Palace, the Great Wall: these are the places the Americans go. The ones they never penetrate become clear with the unabashed stares of the Chinese. In one of the luxury hotels now springing up like straw mushrooms, a waiter is astonished by the prospect of guests' dining at a small neighbor-hood restaurant rather than one of the amped-up imperial places that are as much like China as a martial-arts movie. "Then you will see how we really live," he says, delighted.
It is actually not so difficult to abandon the display Beijing for the authentic everyday. Around the corner from the world's largest KFC is a street of shops filled with imitation jade and factory-made ceremonial robes, offering the retail equivalent of a street mugging: "Hello! Hello? Very nice things for you! Come in! Very nice!" But only a block away the insistent English-language spiel disappears. There is only the dissonant music of Mandarin voices in a traditional hutong, one of the old alleyways, narrower than the shoulder of a turnpike, that once made up the labyrinthine heart of the central city. The men selling fresh dumplings from stalls equipped with two-burner cooktops there don't call out to tourists; they assume the real China will not entice.
Their leaders obviously agree. Around another corner is a vacant lot, strewn with old brick and some of the beautiful crenelated tiles that make up the roofs of hutong houses. Demolition is the greatest constant in the capital today. In the Planning Exhibition Hall an enormous room contains a model of the city, including Lucite structures that mark buildings under construction. There is lots and lots of Lucite.
One important reason for the frantic rebuilding can be found in numerology. The steps in the Temple of Heaven can all be counted out in nines, once the number reserved for the emperor's household. But eight, a homophone for "get rich" in Cantonese, currently holds sway. Aug. 8, 2008, is when the Olympic Games open in Beijing, and when they do, officials will ensure they take place in an ultramodern high-rise city, not the low smoky hutongs of the past, in a city that has, at least in some quarters, traded Mao suits and bicycles for designerwear and the luxury car.
If this suggests that China is happy to simply mimic America wholesale, think again. President Hu is not accustomed to the kind of treatment he got on the White House lawn, where a member of the Fulan Gong, an outlawed religious sect, managed to disrupt his official remarks. In his country, journalists are monitored and arrested, protesters shot and killed. Official concern over Internet content has resulted in firewalls that block what the ruling powers don't like, including the site for Human Rights Watch, which has kept a close eye on abuses in the country. Population control through the one-child policy was implemented by fines, harassment and forced abortions. There are persistent reports that the booming market in transplants is a function of organs harvested from executed criminals without their consent.
One advantage for the Chinese in managing international outrage about all this is that the average American pays little attention. Our own national autobiography has been entwined with that of most European countries, but China had very little intercourse with the West until the late 19th century. Many Americans came to know it only vaguely, as a nation to which Christian churches sent missionaries to supplant its ancient religions with a more modern one.
But the Chinese have a peculiar relationship with their own past, too—what a dissident once termed "forgetting history." Mao Zedong may have presided over the killings of millions who were considered counterrevolutionary, but long lines of citizens gather every day to see the last emperor under glass in his mausoleum, and a respectful hush falls as they approach the body—or a wax effigy, if you believe the rumors. Outside in Tiananmen Square, where not even two decades ago hundreds were killed during student democracy protests, soldiers in the same People's Liberation Army that once strafed the crowd stand beneath an enormous clock ticking down the seconds until the Beijing Olympics begin. The message couldn't be clearer if it were digitized on the clock face: all is forgiven.
The military buildup in China makes some Washington politicians skittish, but just like the elderly Chinese doing tai chi in the parks at dawn, still using the honorific "comrade," they're mired in old-think. Economic growth is the new invading army. China is the world's largest producer of coal and steel and cigarettes, which helps explain why a low gray cloud of smoke hangs over the tables at every restaurant. Although there's still a chasm between prosperous urbanites and rural peasants, average income has quadrupled in the past 25 years. Our ballooning budget deficit has been made possible in part because the Chinese have invested heavily in our Treasury bills; in other words, they pay our way. Starbucks aside, the huge trade deficit—and the labels in our clothes and shoes—offer ample evidence that America takes far more from the Chinese than the other way around.
With more than four times as many people as the United States, China could be the ultimate consumer market if its citizens were better at buying things. One of the most charming sights in Beijing is the exposed backsides of babies, whose clothes are traditionally split at the seat so they can easily relieve themselves. Unsurprisingly, the makers of disposable diapers want to convince Chinese mothers that there's a more sanitary, more modern way. The new American missionaries are peddling conspicuous consumerism. The personal savings rate among the Chinese is more than 40 percent; among Americans it is less than zero. As U.S. political and business leaders repeat the mantra that the Chinese need to spend more and save less, their insistence that a thrifty people learn fiscal abandon begins to sound suspiciously like excuses for our own economic failures.
In this, as in so much else, it sometimes seems as though we're speaking different languages, not only literally but spiritually. Young Chinese on the make may try to sell American tourists bootleg DVDs, counterfeits of films that have opened only the week before in the United States. But tipping is still unheard of, and even the warning signs at the Great Wall sound graceful, almost Confucian: BE CIVILIZED, VISITORS. DON'T FORGET THE FIRE IS HEARTLESS. If an American-born translator is told his Chinese is excellent, he learns to reflexively reply, "Nali, nali, nin guo jiang le." Loosely translated, that means "Please don't, please don't, you overpraise." To acknowledge ability is considered arrogant. What could be less American?
Over dim sum, one business leader compared the next generation in each nation. Americans, he said, have experienced a half century of extraordinary prosperity and want more of the same. But during that period the Chinese lived through a devastating famine in which millions died, the Cultural Revolution that shattered families in the pursuit of political purity, the early vertiginous spasms of economic liberalization and the slaughter in Tiananmen Square. Understandably, he concluded, young Chinese are not interested in the status quo; they're thrilled by the idea of change. That may make the difference between complacency in one country, progress in another.
Of course it is unfair to assign blanket characteristics to millions, or, in China's case, 1.3 billion people. But it has always been done, especially by the powerful, as anyone who has read the English novels of the 19th century knows. In their pages Americans were often portrayed as crass, loud, bumptious. Yet soon the rough frontier had taken over as the established empire, and England had become a very small island. Is America this century's England, with the Chinese building, buying, waiting with the patience and discipline that is considered one of their salient national traits? Read the signs. When President Hu visited America, the seats at the table were largely filled with corporate barons, not political figures. Never mind its bloody past and its repressive policies: China has become a nation that believes economic success trumps all else. In that respect it has adopted the modern American perspective wholesale.
[ 本帖最后由 peach1004 于 2006-12-24 11:21 编辑 ]
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